Beate's Gift
Years
before the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the U.S. Constitution flared and then
fizzled, Americans wrote an ERA (actually an article) into Japan’s post-war
constitution. To be more accurate, a young woman, Beate Sirota Gordon, wrote
the language of Article 24 that guarantees equal rights for women.
Gordon
passed away over New Year’s at age 89, the last surviving member of that small
cadre of American Occupation officers and civilians who drafted Japan’s post-war
charter that is still in force and has never been amended. Her memory lives on with
Japan’s feminists, who often refer to her handiwork as “Beate’s Gift.”
The
document is best known for its famous war-renouncing Article 9, but even more
far reaching in consequence and impact on daily lives of millions of Japanese
women is Article 24, which reads:
“Marriage
shall be based only on the mutual consent of both sexes, and it shall be
maintained through mutual cooperation with equal rights of the husband and wife
as a basis. With regard to the choice of spouse, property rights, inheritance,
choice of domicile and other matters pertaining to marriage and the family,
laws shall be enacted from the standpoint of the individual dignity and
essential equality of the sexes.”
Gordon
was only 22 when she joined Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s staff in Tokyo as a
translator. The daughter of Russian-Jewish émigrés she had lived in Japan in
the years before the war. She recounts that she was motivated in part to write
the equal rights article from memories of watching women walking behind their
husbands in public. At school in the U.S. when hostilities began, she quickly
returned to Japan after the surrender, partly to find her parents, who had been
interned, and to take part in the great adventure of transforming Japan.
MacArthur
at the time was unhappy with the Japanese politicians’ efforts to write a new
constitution. The drafts he saw to replace the 1889 Meiji Constitution did not
go far enough, in his opinion, in turning the role of the emperor into a
constitutional monarch. In frustration, he ordered his staff to write an
entirely new document.
MacArthur’s
legal adviser, Courtney Whitney, corralled a dozen members of the staff, Gordon
included, and said, “Ladies and gentlemen, you are now a constitutional
assembly, and you are now to write a new draft of the Japanese constitution.”
They had nine days in which to do it.
Gordon
was assigned the task of writing the portions dealing with women’s rights. It
wasn’t hard to improve on the Meiji Constitution, which reflected the prevailing
Confucian concept of the role of women as subordinate to men, especially
husbands and before them fathers. The 1889 document contained language such as
this: “cripples, the disabled and wives cannot undertake any legal actions.”
Gordon
wrote draft after draft, many of them going beyond strictly women’s rights to
encompass, for example, legal rights for children born out of wedlock. Many
provisions were thrown out by her superiors, who argued that they could be
addressed later as amendments to the Civil Code. She argued that the
conservative men who wrote Japan’s laws would not amend the Civil Code in that
manner, and 60 years later she seems prescient.
Very
few liberalizing changes have been made in the ensuing years. Even today it is
a matter of contention in Japan whether a married woman can keep and use her
maiden name. The current law stipulates that any married couple must use the
same name (it can be the wife’s family name, but it must be the same).
Article
24 was resisted by Japanese government ministers and politicians, who argued,
accurately enough at the time, that it did not fit Japanese culture and history,
These objections were overruled by the American occupiers, and the Diet ordered
to pass it along with the other measures in the document, which it did in late
1946 with the charter going into effect in 1947.
One
gets the impression that Article 24 was included in the constitution mainly
because Gordon made a pest of herself, and the group was under severe time
constraints. In her memoir, she notes that Lt. Col. Charles A. Kadesaw, who
headed the drafting team, told her, “My God, you’ve given Japanese women more
rights than they have in the U.S. constitution.” To which she replied, “That’s
not very difficult to do because women are not mentioned in the [U.S.] constitution.”
Many
traditionalists, mostly male, blame the “American imposed” Article 24, not to
mention other portions of the document, for all kinds of social ills in modern
Japan, everything from the plummeting birthrates to bullying in the school
yard.
As
recently as 2004 a constitutional panel of the then ruling Liberal Democratic
Party denounced the article as “promoting egotism in post-war Japan” presumably
as opposed to the purity of purpose and self-sacrifice that they think characterized
Japan during the conflict and in years past.
With
its landslide victory in the Dec. 16 general election, conservatives have the
votes, at least in the lower house, to propose amendments and changes in the
constitution, and they have indicated they will do just that, starting with weakening
the constitutional barriers that make it difficult to amend the charter.
They
would likely be aided by the opposition Japan Restoration Party, which sees things
eye-to-eye with the LDP on constitutional issues and is currently led by a man
who says he would have ditched the constitution as soon as Japan regained
sovereignty in 1952.
It
has often been said that of the many reforms undertaken by the U.S. Occupation
of Japan after the war, the most lasting was the emancipation of women,
exemplified by Article 24 and another provision that gave women the vote. Prior
to 1947 women were not only denied the franchise but were prohibited from
joining political parties or even taking part in politics.
In
April, 1946, even before Japan’s new constitution went into effect, women voted
in the first post-war election to the lower house of the Diet. They returned an
impressive number of women members, about 8 percent of the total membership.
Japan seemed on its way.
Yet
this figure was not exceeded until the election of 2005, nearly 60 years later
when a number of “Koizumi’s daughters”, named after the former premier
Junichiro Koizumi, were elected in the LDP landslide that year. Japan continues
to rank low among international legislative bodies in the number of women
parliamentarians. The Dec. 16 polls did not change that.
Over
the years little progress has been made in women’s rights. In 1985 the Diet
passed the Equal Employment Opportunity Act which improved the working
conditions for the significant numbers of women entering the workforce.
Japan
declines to ratify the U.N. Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) the on grounds that it would interfere
with Japanese traditions and customs, specifically the requirement that married
couples use only one name. It wasn’t until 1999 that Japan even legalized oral
contraceptives. Before that it shared with North Korea the dubious distinction
of being the only two countries to proscribe the sale of oral contraceptives.
But at least Beate got things moving in the right direction; rest in peace.
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