Decline and Fall
It took Japan more than 50 years to build a credible
opposition party to the venerable Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), but it only
took a little more than three years for the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) to
self-destruct. It is uncertain whether it can ever rebuild itself from the
ruins this month’s electoral catastrophe.
Party leaders knew they were going to be whipped, but nobody
suspected the shellacking that it would get. The party lost about 175 seats in
the lower House of Representatives, down from the 308 it won in its own
landslide election in 2009. Yet even in defeat that year LDP had retained more
than 100 seats to build on in the next election.
With only 57 seats left in the house, the party’s prospects
may be too low for a come back. It is only slightly stronger than the new Japan
Restoration Party founded by Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto and led (for now) by
ex-Tokyo governor Shintaro Ishihara. It won 51 seats, mostly from its Osaka
base.
Although an unprecedented number of cabinet members lost
their re-election bids, the party does have an nucleus of attractive younger
members who survived the debacle who could lead a revival, assuming they are
not discouraged by the long, long slog ahead of them.
It is hard to remember the excitement that political watchers
had in the very early months of the new regime after its big win in 2009, yet
things began to go south very early in the life of the new government. Here are
some benchmarks in the long slide to defeat and perhaps oblivion:
The Hakayama
Debacle In retrospect, the party
couldn’t have picked a worse person to be the very first opposition prime
minister than the goofy Yukio Hakayama. The long-time fixer Ichiro Ozawa was to
have been the first DPJ premier, but he was charged with illegal election
financing (he has since been acquitted of all charges) and resigned as party
president.
Hatoyama took it upon himself to open and presumably to “solve”
the vexing question of stationing too many American troops on Okinawa. There
was no special reason for him to take up this pet crusade. It wasn’t mentioned
in the party’s manifesto; nor was there pressure from Japanese public, at least
outside of Okinawa.
The novice prime minister must have thought that solving the
problem to the satisfaction of all three parties, Tokyo, Washington and the
Okinawan people would make him a hero. Instead, he made a hash of it and was
forced to resign as prime minister less than a year into his term.
It had the additional effect of irritating Washington, which
believed it had a done deal, after 15 years of negotiating a relocation and
downsizing of the American presence on the island. U.S. officials were openly
contemptuous of the PM, which got back to the Japanese people.
Chasing the Waste
Phantom The Democratic party platform
contained many expensive provisions for expanded social services, such as a
bounty to encourage Japanese to have more children and a the abolition of
tuition for public secondary schools. It would be paid for by eliminating
“waste” and unnecessary spending in the budget.
Shortly after it took office the new government created a
special panel to identify wasteful programs that could be eliminated and their
funds directed to DPJ projects. As if turned out, it could not find nearly enough
waste to enable it to support large new spending programs and thus began to
renege on their election promises.
A Man Named
Ozawa Ichiro Ozawa, the longtime
political operator and the man who would have been the party’s first prime
minister without the intervention of the Public Prosecutor’s office was a drag
on party unity for nearly all of its time in power. What to do about him vexed
the party through most of those years.
Ozawa is a kind of can’t-live-with-him, can-live-without-him
kind of guy. He has a genius for finding candidates to run for office, and is
said to have personally selected, groomed about 100 of the party’s winning
candidates in 2009. The party is grateful for his electioneering skills but
wary of him because of an unsavory air of corruption.
Shortly after he succeeded Nakayama as prime minister, Naoto
Kan was fighting for his political life against an Ozawa challenge to the
leadership, a challenge that Kan won by the party as a whole but one in which
he just barely carried a majority of the party’s members of parliament. It was
not auspicious for a successful term.
Fukushima Certainly no Japanese government since
the end of World War II, and certainly no inexperienced government, has been
faced with a challenge as big as the “triple” disaster of earthquake, tsunami
and multiple nuclear power plant meltdowns that began in March, 2011.
Kan was roundly criticized for flying to Fukushima less than
24 hours into the nuclear accident and getting in the way of the technicians at
the site wrestling with the severely deteriorating situation at three units.
Then he seemed to take the other extreme by holing up in the prime minister’s
office leaving it to the Emperor to be the country’s “consoler in chief.”
Too Much Dojo, not
Enough Gold Fish The last DPJ prime
minister, Yasuhiko Noda, loudly announced he was risking his political life on
passing the increase in the national sales tax. It proved an apt prophesy, not
just for himself but for his party. Noda had previously served as finance
minister where he came under the influence of the finance mandarins who
strongly believe that the tax hike was necessary for financial solvency.
Not only did Noda abandon yet another party promise, in this
case not to introduce the sales tax during its first term in office he put paid
to any more pretext that the new government wanted to challenge the powerful bureaucracy
and put more policy-making into the hands of elected officials. This was
supposedly at the heart of the DPJ agenda.
On taking office Noda said he would be a dojo not a
goldfish, a Japanese term that roughly meant he would be a work horse not a
show horse. But as his extremely lackluster performance in the first National
Press Club debate showed, in an election, it helps to be something of a show
horse.
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